{"id":259,"date":"2026-06-25T13:12:21","date_gmt":"2026-06-25T13:12:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/americanservicereview.com\/?p=259"},"modified":"2026-06-25T13:12:21","modified_gmt":"2026-06-25T13:12:21","slug":"major-decisions-ahead","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/americanservicereview.com\/?p=259","title":{"rendered":"Major decisions ahead"},"content":{"rendered":"

Today is Justice Sonia Sotomayor\u2019s birthday. Born in 1954, Sotomayor has served on the court since 2009.<\/p>

Read more Announcement of opinions for Thursday, June 25<\/a><\/p>

Plus, we will be live blogging this morning beginning at 9:30 a.m. EDT as the court announces opinions in one or more argued cases. We are expecting 12 more decisions by early July, including Trump v. Barbara<\/em> (birthright citizenship); Trump v. Slaughter<\/em> (removal protections for heads of independent agencies); Trump v. Cook<\/em> (Trump\u2019s effort to fire Fed Governor Lisa Cook); West Virginia v. B.P.J.<\/em> and Little v. Hecox<\/em> (transgender athletes); Watson v. Republican National Committee<\/em> (mail-in voting); and Mullin v. Doe<\/em> (Temporary Protected Status).<\/p>

At the Court<\/h2>

After any opinion announcements this morning, the justices will meet in a private conference to discuss cases and vote on petitions for review.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>

Morning Reads<\/h2>

Trump’s power takes center stage in US Supreme Court’s home stretch<\/h3>

Andrew Chung, Reuters<\/svg><\/span><\/p>

As the court enters the home stretch of the current term, \u201csome of its biggest cases yet to be decided will test Donald Trump\u2019s aggressive efforts to expand presidential authority,\u201d according to Reuters. \u201cThe cases involve his efforts to limit birthright citizenship, fire Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, oust Democratic members of independent agencies and terminate a humanitarian legal status protecting hundreds of thousands of Syrian and Haitian immigrants from deportation.\u201d \u201cIt\u2019s totally normal for the most important cases of the term to come out in the last few days. What is unusual is that there are so many blockbuster cases,\u201d said Sam Erman, a constitutional law professor at the University of Michigan, to Reuters.<\/p><\/div><\/div>

Map Shows Abortions Per State 4 Years After SCOTUS Overturned Roe v. Wade<\/h3>

Anna Skinner, Newsweek<\/p>

Four years after the \u201cSupreme Court eliminated the constitutional right to abortion\u201d in Dobbs v. Jackson Women\u2019s Health Organization<\/em>, the number of abortions taking place in the U.S. has not fallen as much as \u201clawmakers and advocates expected,\u201d according to Newsweek. \u201cInstead, it has climbed, and abortions are still happening even in states with the strictest bans.\u201d Data from the Society of Family Planning shows that, \u201c[i]n the states with the strictest bans, most abortions were provided via telehealth services.\u201d \u201cThe ability to consult providers remotely and\u00a0receive abortion pills by mail\u2014including across state lines\u2014has significantly lowered barriers for many people.\u201d<\/p><\/div><\/div>

Religious Prisoners Need Congress\u2019s Help<\/h3>

The Wall Street Journal Editorial Board<\/svg><\/span><\/p>

In an editorial on the court\u2019s ruling in Landor v. Louisiana Department of Corrections and Public Safety<\/em>, the Wall Street Journal Editorial Board called on Congress to take action to avoid the consequences of the decision, which held that individual prison guards can\u2019t be sued for money damages under the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act for violating prisoners\u2019 religious rights. \u201cOccasionally a party that loses at the Supreme Court will still win the larger debate, because the legal outcome is such a frustration of justice that it prompts change,\u201d the editorial said. \u201cThe case of Damon Landor, a dreadlocked Rastafarian who was forcibly shaved by state prison guards, belongs in this category.\u201d<\/p><\/div><\/div>

The Supreme Court\u2019s Opinion Day Ritual Helps Conceal the Justices\u2019 Favorite Lie<\/h3>

Jay Willis, Balls and Strikes<\/p>

In a column for Balls and Strikes, Jay Willis took aim at the court\u2019s process for releasing opinions, contending that it should no longer refuse to reveal in advance how many and which opinions will be released on a given opinion announcement day because \u201c[n]othing about the Court\u2019s work necessitates this performative melodrama.\u201d \u201cIf the justices so desired,\u201d Willis wrote, \u201cthey could announce with a reasonably high degree of confidence when they plan to publish a particular opinion. If the justices were hesitant to commit to a day, they could at least designate the week when, say, the parents of children whose citizenship status will be decided by Trump v. Barbara<\/em> can actually expect to read it.\u201d<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>

On Site<\/h2>
From the SCOTUSblog Team<\/span>

When Congress \u201coverrides\u201d the court<\/h3>

By Kelsey Dallas<\/p>

The Supreme Court doesn\u2019t necessarily have the final say on an issue. Congress can limit the impact of a ruling by updating the statute the decision addressed, passing a new law, or proposing a constitutional amendment. Kelsey explored three of the most important examples of Congress \u201coverruling\u201d the court.<\/p><\/div>

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Contributor Corner<\/span>

The blast radius of Callais \u2013 and what it means for Constitutional Law<\/h3>

By Carolyn Shapiro<\/p>

In her Cases and Controversies column, Carolyn Shapiro reflected on what we know now about the significance of Louisiana v. Callais, about a month and a half since it was decided. She contended that Callais has not only \u201cdecimated voting rights protections for minorities,\u201d but also fueled a push to rethink protections against race-based employment discrimination.<\/p><\/div>

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Podcasts<\/h2>
Advisory Opinions<\/span>

Enforcing International Law in U.S. Courts<\/h3>

Sarah Isgur and David French explain the various legal complications of the U.S.-Iran Memorandum of Understanding and react to the opinions handed down by the Supreme Court on Tuesday.<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>

A Closer Look<\/div>

Powell v. Securities and Exchange Commission<\/h3><\/div>

From 1972 until last month, settlement agreements with the Securities and Exchange Commission included a unique : Defendants had to agree not to publicly deny the SEC\u2019s allegations against them. If they broke this \u201cno-deny provision,\u201d as the SEC called it (critics preferred \u201cgag rule\u201d), the commission could go back to the court that oversaw the settlement agreement and reopen the case.<\/p>

In 2018, the New Civil Liberties Alliance, which describes itself as \u201ca nonpartisan, nonprofit civil rights group founded … to protect constitutional freedoms from violations by the Administrative State,\u201d petitioned the SEC to amend the provision, contending that it violated the First Amendment\u2019s guarantee of free speech. Five years later, and without a response from the commission, the NCLA renewed its petition, this time alongside several more challengers.<\/p>

Read more The blast radius of Callais \u2013 and what it means for Constitutional Law<\/a><\/p>

In January 2024, the SEC responded, denying the petition to amend the rule. Although one commissioner dissented, a majority concluded that the no-deny provision was both necessary and constitutional. \u201cThere is a large body of precedent confirming that a defendant can waive constitutional rights as part of a civil settlement, just as a criminal defendant can waive constitutional rights as part of a plea bargain,\u201d they said.<\/p>

The challengers appealed the SEC\u2019s denial to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, which has the authority to consider an SEC order so long as one of the challengers lives in the region it oversees. They asserted that the no-deny rule was unconstitutional on its face and that the SEC had violated the law governing administrative procedure when it put the rule in place.<\/p>

In August 2025, the 9th Circuit denied this petition for review. It echoed the SEC\u2019s conclusion, holding that \u201c[t]he law has long regarded the voluntary relinquishment of constitutional rights as permissible, so long as appropriate safeguards are attached.\u201d However, it added that it did not seek to \u201cminimize petitioners\u2019 concerns,\u201d and suggested that their First Amendment questions would be \u201cproperly addressed in as-applied challenges\u201d (that is, in specific circumstances) rather than the current facial-type one.<\/p>

In March, the challengers filed a with the Supreme Court, in which they urge the justices to take up the case and hold that the provision violates the First Amendment. \u201cThis ban requires Americans to take their unspoken grievances against the agency to their graves. The First Amendment prohibits that most un-American result,\u201d they write.<\/p>

The challengers describe the policy as \u201cvirtually unprecedented\u201d and say it\u2019s especially troubling given how common settlements are in SEC proceedings. \u201c[T]he SEC\u2019s enforcement actions often drag on for years. Running this gauntlet inflicts an enormous personal, financial, and reputational toll on the SEC\u2019s targets. … The burdens are so great that 98% of those charged by the SEC\u2014often despite vigorously asserting their innocence and objecting to the agency\u2019s actions\u2014are ultimately forced to capitulate through settlement.\u201d<\/p>

In May, two months after the petition for review was filed, the SEC rescinded the challenged rule, acknowledging that the policy \u201cmay have created an incorrect impression that the Commission is trying to shield itself from criticism.\u201d U.S. Solicitor General D. John Sauer highlights this development in the SEC\u2019s responding to the petition, arguing that the case is now moot. While he acknowledges that \u201ca party cannot \u2018automatically moot a case\u2019\u201d with a policy change, he writes that \u201csuch cessation does moot a case if the relevant practice \u2018cannot reasonably be expected to recur,\u2019\u201d which he claims is true of the SEC\u2019s decision.<\/p>

Sauer adds that, even before the rescission of the rule, the case was not worthy of the court\u2019s attention, because it does \u201cnot satisfy the court\u2019s usual criteria.\u201d Among other things, the 9th Circuit\u2019s decision \u201cdoes not conflict with any decision of this Court or another court of appeals.\u201d<\/p>

In their , the challengers contend that the rescission of the rule \u201ctells the Court everything it needs to know about the certworthiness of the question presented. Agencies do not vacate longstanding rules the moment litigation arrives at this Court (and the Solicitor General assumes the lead), unless the government is gravely concerned about the likelihood of this Court\u2019s review and its ability to defend those rules on the merits.\u201d They further argue that the case is not moot, because the \u201cgovernment provides no meaningful assurance that a future SEC will not revive the Gag Rule.\u201d<\/p>

Powell v. Securities and Exchange Commission<\/em> is expected to be considered by the justices for the first time at their private conference on Thursday.<\/p><\/div><\/div>

SCOTUS Quote<\/h2>

\u201cWhen one intends the facts to which the law attaches consequences, he must abide the consequences, whether intended or not.\u201d<\/p>

Read more When Congress \u201coverrides\u201d the court<\/a><\/p>

\u2014 Justice Harlan Fiske Stone in Texas v. Florida<\/em>\u00a0(1939)<\/p><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

We\u2019re expecting 12 more opinions in argued cases. 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